Iran in the middle of US Congress wrangles

In this year of US presidential elections, Iran remains a key issue and material for the electoral political conflict, as it has been in previous electoral contests. But the political debate has intensified this time.
The US Congress announced that it was preparing for private sessions to discuss legislation that limits President Trump’s ability to wage war against Iran. Senior officials from the Trump administration and the State Department will present confidential statements in closed sessions on policy toward Iran, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee said.
The closed sessions, the committee said, will take place before a final vote on legislation that limits the US President’s ability to wage war on Tehran. The Senate debate comes after the Democratic-dominated House of Representatives voted earlier this month to prohibit Trump from taking further military action against Tehran. The legislation is not only difficult to pass because the Senate is overwhelmingly Republican, or because it coincides with the opening of the Senate investigation into President Trump.
The legislation also appears to be part of a political rivalry aimed at restricting the president’s authority and limiting his latitude of action. In the case of foreign military interventions, party loyalty is generally not above other factors. For members of Congress, however, political ambitions and personal visions take precedence. These central positions are always an integral part of the dossiers of politicians who are anxious to stick to their opinions and express their positions with great caution, keeping a relative balance with the party’s requirements.
For example, we see that some Republican members of Congress, for example, state that they are prepared to listen to convincing briefings on Iranian threats in order to determine their position on any legislation related to war powers. Sometimes personal political interests intersect with the president’s inclinations, even in the case of party affiliation.
The question of reducing the powers of the US President to the military level by Congress is one of the topics of debate. Under the American constitution, the president has the power to order military action on the territory of other countries. However, he cannot go so far as to declare war, the exclusive prerogative of Congress. The Constitution has set a 60-day time limit for such action, which may be extended, if necessary, to a further 30 days, provided that the President submits a report to Congress specifying sufficient justification for such action.
Evidence confirms that US presidents generally use their powers to direct limited military strikes without prior congressional approval. We all remember many of these facts, which have been the subject of American consensus. In the last two decades not a single US President has ordered military action without prior congressional approval.
Therefore, this is not a passing issue or an emergency in the American arena. Despite the concerns expressed by Democrats about the extension of the conflict with Iran into a full-fledged war, there is also evidence that confirms their desire to limit President Trump’s powers as much as possible, so that he does not win any foreign policy victories. It is likely that this will severely limit him in the struggle to win a second presidential term in the elections next November.
The congressional discussions on this issue should not hinder President Trump’s management of the crisis with Iran, as he has no intention of declaring war on the mullahs. He is using his constitutional powers only to lead the US Armed forces as commander-in-chief.
He has the power to order limited military action, in addition to the fact that the time limit for the President to use limited military force and keep US Troops out of the country (two months, extendable by a third month) is more than sufficient to deter any external threat to US Interests. He can bet only on the limited missile strike strategy, taking advantage of the great US military superiority over strategic adversaries. All Congress can do in this regard is to reject any request for funding for additional military operations.
The President has broad powers to assess the extent to which foreign powers threaten American interests. In the event of a military response, he need only inform Congress. President Trump has made it clear that he cannot inform Congress of decisions taken in advance because of a loss of confidence between him and the Democratic representatives.
In the end, President Trump would not need a congressional mandate to respond to a possible Iranian threat for the remainder of his first term. The issue, a subject of internal political debate in the US, has no real impact on the President’s effective use of US military power in this conjuncture.




